Prostitution in Japanese society is commonly portrayed as a obligatory evil – a approach to maintain social harmony by providing men with an outlet for his or her pent-up sexual desires.

While this view has quite a lot of problems – reminiscent of the conclusion that men are inherently unable to regulate their sexual impulses – it also has a vital flaw: it portrays prostitution as something only men do want or need.

In Japan, female sexuality is commonly viewed through the narrow lens of heterosexual romance and motherhood.

“Rezu fūzoku” turns this view on its head.

Rezu fūzoku, which roughly translates to “lesbian sexual entertainment,” refers to agencies where sex employees provide sex to female clients. And in Japan it is totally legal. In 2023, I began looking into industrial female-to-female sex and escort services the phenomenon of female-to-male crossdressers making non-sexual propositionsromantic dates with female clients, I made a decision to expand the research to concentrate on clients in search of sex and romance. The names of the sex employees and clients I interviewed as a part of my research have been modified in this text to guard their anonymity.

Development of a distinct segment market

Unlike many countries which have historically criminalized homosexual acts, in Japan they were banned only briefly within the 1870s, during a period of rapid Western-inspired legal reform.

After this era, the country didn’t reintroduce laws criminalizing homosexual acts, allowing same-sex relationships to exist largely without legal interference – even in the event that they continued to be frowned upon in Japanese society.

Furthermore, homosexual prostitution was never illegal. Japan has imposed strict regulations Anti-Prostitution Act of 1956 This prohibits the practice, which is defined solely as penetrative, paid sex between a person and a lady. Therefore, any paid activity that doesn’t fall inside this definition – reminiscent of homosexual sex – will not be considered illegal.

For my research, I interviewed a person named Obō, the founding father of the Lesbian Girls Club, an agency with offices in Osaka and Tokyo that gives sex employees for female clients.

Obō began his profession as an internet developer, but soon found himself burnt out and disillusioned.

“I wanted to start my own business and since I was building websites for several adult shops, I decided to try something similar. It quickly became clear that while the market was flooded with services for men, there were almost none for women.”

So in 2007, Obō opened the Lesbian Girls Club, an agency that arranges meetings between sex employees and clients in hotels somewhat than a brothel. It has since grow to be an establishment in Japan, and a few of its original sex employees still work for Obō.

To a various clientele

Originally a distinct segment market, Rezu Fūzoku gained greater attention as a manga artist Nagata Kabi used Obō's agency and later described her experiences in her work.My lesbian experience with loneliness.”

The award-winning manga, which was also published within the US and Europe, introduced the service to many Japanese women who were previously unaware of it.

Despite the term “rezu” – lesbian – in its name, Obō’s agency welcomes women of all sexual orientations.

“Some of our customers are lesbians,” he told me. “But many are heterosexual, even married. Most are between 26 and 35 years old, but we also have customers in their 60s and 70s.”

Many Japanese women still find it difficult to explore their sexuality and express their sexual desires, even to their partners. This often results in unsatisfactory sexual experiences, which might pave the way in which for this sexless relationships– something that’s becoming increasingly common in Japan and a situation that many users of the Rezu Fūzoku services shared with me.

Yuriko, a 35-year-old heterosexual client of rezu fūzoku, explained: “For the first time, I really enjoyed sex! Rezu fūzoku gave me the chance to try new things and feel good.”

Sex is wellness

In my interviews the term “Yashi“ got here up often.

It means “healing” and refers to activities or services that provide relief from on a regular basis stress and negative feelings. Just as yoga classes or massages are viewed as types of Iyashi, sex – especially industrial sex – can also be branded this manner in Japan.

“Men don’t understand women and their bodies,” Yuriko said. “But sexuality is a fundamental part of life and ignoring it only leads to frustration and dissatisfaction. Sex is Iyashi.”

The use of this word shows that in Japan, prostitution will not be all the time viewed as something to be ashamed of, but may also be viewed as a type of self-care.

For example, the practice of sending a sex employee to a hotel where she meets the client is named “deriheru” or delivery health in Japanese, emphasizing the reference to the Iyashi field. Additionally, a 90-minute session with knowledgeable sex employee for girls is also known as a “wellness course,” linking sex to physical and psychological well-being.

Sex employees themselves also emphasize the connection between their career and Iyashi practices, often referring to themselves as “therapists” or “casts” and downplaying the sexual features of their work and as a substitute emphasizing the wellness-related features. Many of them were aware of the positive impact their services had on women and expressed pride of their work in our interviews.

“It’s worth it,” Moe, who has been within the industry for six years, told me. “When a client tells me that she was really struggling but now feels like she can try a little harder because we’ve gotten to know each other, I’m glad I chose this job.”

Her colleague Makiko agreed. “I am proud of this job. It’s very important to me and I think it’s definitely necessary in society.”

Despite the widespread stigmatization of sex employees in Japanese society, the legal status of rezu fūzoku services offers employees greater protection and clear working conditions.

And in an indication of the industry's growth, based on my research, there are currently over 10 Rezu Fūzoku agencies in Tokyo alone.

“A refuge for the heart”

But although there are services aimed toward women's sexual well-being, gender inequality stays widespread in Japan.

Women still face significant social and economic barriers. According to the World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report 2024In terms of gender equality, Japan ranks 118th out of 146 countries and ranks lowest among the many G7 countries.

By addressing women's sexual desires outside the standard heterosexual framework, rezu fūzoku challenges conventional narratives about women's sexuality. In a rustic that has experienced decline Marriage and birth ratesListening to women and understanding their needs is becoming increasingly essential.

This legal type of sex work clearly fills a necessity, offering women a protected place to try recent things and trust their sexual pleasure to an authority – who happens to be one other woman. One thing that stood out in my research was how popular the service was amongst women in heterosexual relationships, who seemed desperate to explore desires that may be difficult to share with a partner.

But what female clients are in search of often goes beyond the sex itself. Many women just want intimacy – to be hugged, cuddled and cared for, which is missing not only within the lives of single women, but in addition for girls in relationships.

“I use this service for comfort and healing,” said Sachi, a 42-year-old woman married to a person. “It is a kind of refuge for the heart that offers emotional richness.”

The US Supreme Court has ruled that a president, including former President Donald Trump“shall not be prosecuted for the exercise of his core constitutional powers and shall be entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts.”

The Decision is “super nuanced”, as one legal scholar told The Conversation shortly after the choice was announced on July 1, 2024.

While a president enjoys total immunity within the exercise of his “central constitutional powers,” a sitting or former president also has “presumptive immunity” for all official acts. This immunity, wrote Chief Justice John Roberts in the bulk opinion, “extends to the outer scope of the President's official responsibilities and includes acts so long as they are not obviously or palpably outside his authority.”

“There is no immunity for unofficial acts,” the court ruled.

The results of the vote was 6-3, because the court’s three liberal justices – Elena Kagan, Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson – Majority opinion within the event of a dissenting opinion.

“Today's decision to grant criminal immunity to former presidents transforms the institution of the presidency. It mocks the fundamental principle of our Constitution and our system of government that no one is above the law,” Sotomayor wrote in her dissenting opinion.

The federal charges against Trump for his actions to overturn the 2020 presidential election will now be sent back to lower courts to come to a decision which of the federal charges against Trump could be pursued. But one end result is obvious – this decision could have significant implications for presidential power and the separation of powers in government.

Until all of the nuances of the choice are analyzed by constitutional lawyers, listed below are 4 stories to assist readers higher understand the arguments upfront of the choice and what was at stake on this case.

1. Laying the foundations

Trump claimed he was immune from federal prosecution for his efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election because he was already president on the time.

“Trump’s argument focused on the claim … that a president cannot be legally prosecuted for his official conduct or actions taken in the exercise of his office,” wrote Claire B. Wofforda political scientist on the College of Charleston.

Since 1982, in a case dating back to Richard Nixon's presidency, presidents have been immune from civil suits due to their official actions, Wofford explained, and Trump sought to expand that immunity protection. But that was a tall order, Wofford wrote:

“Protecting the President from the inconveniences of civil litigation is one thing. Allowing the President, who is responsible under Article 2 of the Constitution for faithfully executing the laws, to break those laws with impunity is quite another.”

In fact, U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan wrote in December 2023 that Trump didn’t have the “divine right of kings” to flee criminal responsibility. And a federal appeals court agreed with that call in February 2024. Trump appealed that ruling to the Supreme Court.

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Read more: Trump was not a king and could be prosecuted for crimes committed during his presidency: Appeals court sets limits on immunity

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2. An inconsistent claim

Trump's claim was an uphill battle. Stephanie Lindquista constitutional lawyer at Arizona State University, stated:

“In several lawsuits he filed throughout the 2020 election difficult the outcomes, Trump himself said he was acting 'in his personal capability as a candidate' and never in his official capability as president.

“Now, however, Trump is claiming that his comments on 'matters of public interest' were within the scope of his presidential duties, whether or not he was a candidate on January 6.”

This inconsistency, in addition to the final principle of the Constitution that nobody is above the law, made it difficult to argue Trump's position.

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Read more: Trump claims the Constitution grants him immunity – here's why judges and Supreme Court may disagree

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3. A choice that takes a protracted time to return

Wofforda constitutional law scholar on the College of Charleston, noted before the Supreme Court's decision in July that there was public concern in regards to the time it took the court to make a choice. But she said that this delay was within the service of democracy reasonably than a partisan maneuver:

“When the Supreme Court makes a decision, it is inevitably answering a very difficult legal question. If the answers were clear, the case would never have been the subject of litigation before the Supreme Court.”

And the judges’ role in deciding the case is crucial for the nation, she wrote:

“Given the potentially unconstitutional actions Trump has threatened to take if re-elected, the country will need a strong and respected Supreme Court in the near future. Those angry at the court should actually be very happy that it is business as usual. If it were not, their fears that Trump will get away with anything may actually come true.”

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Read more: Supreme Court's slow decision on Trump's immunity is the alternative of politics

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4. What this implies for the longer term

Earlier this spring Wofford noted some worrying signs throughout the oral hearing before the Supreme Court on April 25, 2024:

“Several justices from all ideological camps expressed deep concern about the practical implications of granting or denying a president some degree of immunity.”

For example, Wofford noted:

“Justice Samuel Alito seemed genuinely concerned that the president might face political persecution if he were not protected by immunity. … On the other hand, … (Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson) said a president could take office 'knowing that he could not expect punishment for committing crimes.'”

Wofford expected the justices would seek to grant either full immunity or no immunity in any respect – and subsequently allow Trump's federal case for attempting to overturn the 2020 presidential election to proceed, since lots of his actions were private and unofficial. Although that too posed a risk, Wofford wrote:

“I wish there were some other means by which the court could resolve this issue, and that so many people did not feel that the fate of our government and the stability of our system were at stake. … If the court does not make it clear and unambiguous that the president is not above the law, then I think we have a serious problem.”

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Read more: Trump's Supreme Court immunity arguments highlight dangers — as prosecutors stress greater risk of waiving legal accountability

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This story is a summary of articles from The Conversation archives.