Sri Lankans voted for a brand new direction in leadership On September 22, 2024, a left-wing anti-poverty activist will likely be elected president of the South Asian country.

The rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake marks a break with the past and with the established parties and politicians who’re accused of bringing the country to the brink of economic collapse in 2022.

Dissanayake described the victory as a “new beginning” for Sri Lanka – but he’ll still need to take care of the economic baggage of his predecessors and the impact of an International Monetary Fund loan that got here with painful austerity conditions. The Conversation turned Vidhura S. Tennekoonan authority on Sri Lanka's economy at Indiana University, explains the duty facing the brand new president – and the way Dissanayake intends to tackle it.

What will we learn about Sri Lanka’s latest president?

Anura Kumara Dissanayake leads each the National People's Power Alliance (NPP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). The JVP, which is rooted in Marxist ideology, was founded within the Nineteen Sixties with the aim of taking power through a socialist revolution. But after two failed armed uprisings in 1971 and 1987-89 – by which tens of 1000’s of individuals died – the party turned to democratic politics and has maintained this approach for over three many years.

Until this election, the JVP remained an insignificant third party in Sri Lanka's political landscape, with power shifting between alliances led by the 2 traditional political parties – the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party – or their offshoots.

In 2019, the NPP was formed under Dissanayake's leadership as a socialist alliance with several other organizations. While the JVP continues to stick to Marxist principles, the NPP has adopted a center-left, social democratic platform – with the aim of gaining broader public support.

Despite these efforts, Dissanayake only 3% of the vote within the 2019 presidential election.

But through the 2022 economic crisis, the political landscape modified dramatically. Many Sri Lankans, frustrated with the 2 traditional parties that had ruled the country for over seventy years, turned to the NPP, seeing it as a reputable alternative.

The party's anti-corruption stance specifically attracted an awesome deal of attention, as many individuals blamed political corruption for the economic collapse.

It helped with the delivery 42% of the votes to Dissanayake.

This shouldn’t be only a remarkable success, but additionally a historic first for Sri Lanka: Dissanayake is the primary president to be elected without the support of nearly all of voters; the remaining 58 percent of the votes went to candidates from the 2 traditional parties.

His immediate challenge will likely be to secure a parliamentary majority within the upcoming elections, a vital step for the effective governance of his government.

What type of economy will Dissanayake inherit?

Two and a half years ago, Sri Lanka experienced the worst economic crisis in its history. With foreign exchange reserves almost depleted, the country struggled to pay its bills, resulting in severe shortages of essential goods. People stood in long queues for cooking gas and fuel, while regular power cuts were an element of on a regular basis life. The Sri Lankan rupee fell to a record low. drive inflation to 70%The economy shrank and the country was unable to satisfy its payment obligations on international government bonds for the primary time.

This sparked a large protest movement that eventually forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign. In July 2022, Parliament appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe to complete the rest of Rajapaksa's term.

In the subsequent two years, Sri Lanka’s economy recovered unexpectedly quickly under Wickremesinghe’s leadership. After securing a Agreement with the International Monetary Fundthe currency stabilized, the central bank rebuilt foreign exchange reserves, and inflation fell to single digits. By the primary half of 2024, the economy had grown by 5%.

The government successfully restructured its domestic debt, followed by a restructuring of its bilateral debt – that’s, the loans between governments taken out mainly by China, but additionally by India and Western countries, including the United States. Just days before the election An agreement was reached with international bondholders to restructure the remaining public debt.

Despite these successes, Wickremesinghe was overtaken within the presidential election by each Dissanayake and opposition leader Sajith Premadasa. Wickremesinghe's unpopularity stemmed largely from the cruel austerity measures implemented as a part of the IMF-backed stabilization program.

Dissanayake now inherits an economy that’s more stable but still fragile. His scope for deviating from his predecessor's rigorously planned economic course will likely be limited, even when voters expect him to satisfy popular demands.

How does Dissanayake plan to enhance Sri Lanka’s economy?

As the leader of a Marxist party, Dissanayake is prone to pursue policies that reflect the collective decisions of the Politburos and Central Committees of the NPP and JVP fairly than his individual views. He advocates an financial system by which activities are coordinated through a central government plan and stresses the importance of “economic democracy”.

His party believes Prosperity mustn’t only be measured by economic growth but on the general quality of life. They argue that folks need greater than just basic needs – they need secure housing, food, healthcare, education, access to technology and leisure.

Dissanayake’s long-term vision is to rework Sri Lanka right into a Production economywith a concentrate on sectors reminiscent of manufacturing, agriculture and data technology fairly than service industries. One of the important thing measures is to encourage local production of all viable food items to scale back dependence on imports. To support these activities, the NPP plans to ascertain a development bank. In addition, the NPP proposes to extend government spending on education and healthcare, in step with Sri Lanka's tradition of providing free, universal access to each.

What stays of the IMF loans?

Dissanayake's party has historically been critical of the IMF and its policy recommendations. Given the severity of the economic crisis in Sri Lanka, Dissanayake has acknowledged that it’s needed to stay within the IMF programme in the meanwhile. But he has vowed to renegotiate with the IMF to make the programme more “citizen-friendly”. Dissanayake's proposals include increasing the private income tax exemption to double the present level and abolishing taxes on essential goods. Dissanayake's party also plans to create jobs in the general public sector, despite ongoing efforts to scale back the number of presidency employees to tackle the deficit.

Dissanayake's populist policies, geared toward gaining mass support through the election campaign, are sure to place pressure on government revenues while increasing expenditure. However, the IMF programme requires Sri Lanka to keep up a primary fiscal surplus. of at the very least 2.3% of gross domestic product to make sure debt sustainability. Dissanayake has promised to not endanger the country’s economic stability by deviating from this objective. His strategy is to enhance the efficiency of tax collection, which he believes will generate enough revenue to finance his policies.

In addition, his party has criticised the agreements that Wickremesinghe's government had reached with international lenders, calling them unfavourable for the country. Dissanayake has promised to hunt higher terms, but since these agreements are already in place, it stays uncertain whether the brand new government will try and renegotiate them.

The attack against the Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico is widely condemned by world leaders as an attack on democracy.

In Slovakia, too, the act of violence was met with a unified response from the country's deeply divided political leadership. But how long this can last is uncertain. As does the outgoing Slovakian president – ​​and Fico competitor – Zuzana Caputova demanded an end to the “vicious circle of hatred and mutual accusations,” said Fico allies criticized the media and the country's opposition to inflame tensions.

As Expert on politics in Central EuropeI used to be interested by how liberal social movements in Slovakia responded to the rise of populist rhetoric and politics that Fico illustrated. This research has revealed not only the increasing rightward shift of former center and center-right politicians, but in addition how this has contributed to the creation of a polarized political environment.

Who is Robert Fico?

Robert Fico has long been a controversial figure in Slovakia Central Eastern European country with around 5.4 million inhabitants and member of the European Union.

A former member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Fico and his colleagues founded the SMER or “Direction” party within the late Nineteen Nineties as a left-wing party critical of the then right-wing Slovak government. The party also maintained one Anti-corruption This message gained popularity within the early 2000s and have become one of the crucial dominant parties in Slovak politics.

Fico became prime minister for the primary time in 2006. But only since his return to power in 2012 has he been seen as a polarizing figure in Slovak politics.

In 2018, Fico Forced to resign following the Murder of journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kusnirovain her apartment just outside Bratislava, the Slovak capital.

Before his murder, Kuciak claimed that SMER was involved in corruption related to the Italian mafia and the embezzlement of EU funds. In 2020 there have been five people, certainly one of them Connections to political figures were accused with the murders.

Fico has denied these corruption allegations. But the murders and allegations of corruption led to mass protests against the federal government and proceed to resonate today.

Polarized politics

Despite Fico's resignation over the matter, the country remained politically polarized.

In 2019 Čaputová of the Progressive Slovakia party was elected the primary female president. But a yr later, the election of essentially the most conservative parliament in modern Slovak history took place in Slovakia.

The gutted Caputova's liberal agenda against the right-wing parties in the federal government.

Right-wing parties have allied with the Catholic Church and conservative organizations to attack gender equality measures and LGBTQ+ rights And restrict reproductive rights.

The deal with culture war issues was accompanied by a coarsening of the political debate in Slovakia.

Hateful rhetoric is commonly utilized in political campaigns to oppose women's rights, gender equality and LGBTQ+ rights. This rhetoric has contributed to further polarization.

And even before the attack on Fico, there have been indications that the heightened rhetoric was evolving into politically motivated violence. In 2022, two members of the LGBTQ+ community were killed in a bar in Bratislava from a known supporter the acute right.

Nevertheless, Fico continued to depend on populist rhetoric against civil liberties in his 2023 election campaign.

By then he had returned to the limelight through his resistance Public health measures related to the COVID-19 pandemic. His widely published work followed Opposition to the delivery of military aid to Ukraine after the Russian invasion in 2022. At a time when a few of Slovakia's closest allies, akin to Poland and the Czech Republic, fully supported Ukraine's efforts against Russian aggression, Fico launched a campaign in support of the policies of Hungary's Viktor Orban and Vladimir Putin against the West.

This message proved popular and allowed him to return to power in 2023 together with his populist party Received 23% of the votes and to change into the most important party in a right-wing coalition government.

An attack on democracy

Since returning to power, Fico has shown no desire to resolve the culture wars which have divided Slovak society. Rather, his essential focus was on abolition and Restructuring of state authorities and institutions who’ve criticized his policies.

He moved in February 2024 the Slovak anti-corruption agency closed and abolish the special prosecutor's office that investigates corruption – a call that not only drew rebuke from the European Union but in addition brought Slovaks back to the streets to protest.

He also took steps switch off Slovak Television and Radio (STVR) and replace it with a state television channel.

Overall, Fico's efforts to limit civil liberties and suppress opposition were seen as a part of a process intended to rework Slovakia into one Illiberal democracyentirely within the spirit of Orban’s Hungary.

There remains to be loads to learn in regards to the motives and circumstances of the assassination attempt on Fico. But the officials said so it was “politically motivated”.and linked it to his divisive politics.

Any display of political violence is as follows World leaders have pointed this out, an try and undermine democracy. In Slovakia, where political polarization is high, these divisive politics have unfortunately been shown to steer to violent results.