FREMONT – This city may soon join other California cities in stepping up raids on homeless people living in encampments and vehicles following recent orders from Gov. Gavin Newsom.

The Fremont City Council, which represents the Bay Area’s fourth-largest city, last week discussed the potential for changing city policy a 72-hour parking restriction for residents on city streets, a possible “oversized vehicle parking ban” for RVs parked in residential areas, and a ban on camping on public property. The council also discussed options for a everlasting ban on RVs near schools, educational institutions and churches.

Other major cities within the Bay Area have taken similar measures and made national headlines for using more aggressive methods to clear homeless encampments. San Francisco Mayor London Breed began ordering the clearance of homeless encampments this summer. The cities took motion at Newsom's direction after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling gave local authorities more power to clear homeless encampments. Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao announced on Monday that town would crack down on in warehouses subject to fireplace, water or road hazards.

Newsom had previously stated that local governments that didn’t deliver results would face cuts in state funding.

Amy Huston, a homeless woman who lives in an encampment at Osgood Road and Washington Boulevard, was upset when she heard town was planning to tighten restrictions on camping. If town cleared her encampment, she wouldn't know where to go next, she said. Currently, city employees stop on the encampment weekly to select up trash, deliver hygiene products and supply other services.

“There’s nothing I can do,” said Huston, 44, who has lived there for 2 years.

The city last cleared the camp on July 9, but on Friday at the least just a few dozen residents remained in a tent camp with shopping carts, cooking equipment and other belongings. As a stray cat named “Whitey” roamed near the camp's fence, Huston recalled how she dreamed of becoming a veterinarian before she became homeless.

“Everyone is getting along. It's nice,” Huston said. “There are places to go out here. We just don't know if it's safe or not.”

According to essentially the most recent study on the homeless population, town reported this yr that the variety of The variety of homeless people in Fremont fell by 21 percent. which is consistent with a nationwide trend. But that got here after Fremont's homeless population doubled between 2019 and 2022, from 608 homeless people to 1,026, based on the Point-in-Time Count, a state census used to measure homelessness.

At last Tuesday's council meeting, Vice Mayor Desrie Campbell questioned city staff in regards to the encampment where Huston lives, wondering if residents could be offered everlasting or temporary housing. She asked if town could implement everlasting street parking bans throughout Fremont.

Housing manager Lucia Hughes told Campbell that “outreach teams” repeatedly come to the encampment and offer residents various things, comparable to possible housing services. City Attorney Rafael E. Alvarado added that unless the City Council desires to implement everlasting parking bans on certain city streets, it’s inevitable that homeless residents will “come back.”

“What is being considered here is consistent with what many cities are doing,” Alvarado said.

Mayor Lily Mei said she agreed with Campbell that parking bans were vital and said they may lead to safer streets.

“Some of these have to be permanent,” Mei said.

Councilwoman Teresa Cox stays concerned that there be no encampments at school districts and playgrounds, saying she fears that “many people are not having background checks done when dealing with children and families.”

City Councilor Raj Salwan said town should take a “balanced” approach to the homeless problem, but added: “We definitely need the consent of the community.”

“Homelessness is not a crime,” Salwan said at Tuesday's council meeting. “These are the people who are here. If we try to drive them away from one place, they will just go to another place.”

The City Council could discuss the brand new protocols again as early as next month, nevertheless it is unclear once they may very well be officially implemented.

Hundreds of hundreds of Rohingya in Bangladesh marked the seven-year anniversary of expulsion from their homes in neighboring Myanmar on August 25, 2024. It was a somber occasion for Myanmar’s long-persecuted Muslim minority, who poor living conditions and at the identical time crammed into probably the most overcrowded refugee camps on the planet.

Since 2017, their status has been constantly questioned, each by temporary Hostility from Bangladesh and an ongoing civil war in Myanmar, during which the military government proceed to crack down on the Home of the Rohingya in Rakhine State.

But recent events in Bangladesh may offer a glimmer of hope for the Rohingya. Months of political unrest led to the Overthrow of the authoritarian prime ministerSheikh Hasina, whose government failed to search out an answer to the refugee problem.

The latest interim head of presidency, Nobel Prize winner Muhammad Yunus, has agreed to defend their rights as refugees and to campaign for his or her eventual repatriation.

As Scientist who has written in regards to the Rohingya crisis and spending time within the refugee camps, I consider the percentages are still stacked against the Rohingya. Policymakers must grapple not only with the growing hostility among the many local population in Bangladesh and the continuing civil war in Myanmar, but in addition with an underestimated third factor that complicates a political solution to the crisis: persistent and growing Violence and power struggles among the many Rohingya refugees.

Murder, rape and kidnapping

More than 750,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in August 2017 after facing brutal government crackdowns. Since then, around 235 Rohingya were killed in refugee camps in Bangladesh. In addition, the Bangladeshi authorities have registered dozens of cases of rape of Rohingya women and girls in addition to quite a few kidnappings.

The murder of outstanding figures among the many refugee population, including the 2021 Assassination of Mohib Ullaha moderate Rohingya leader, has contributed to the escalation of violence within the camp.

Such violence, combined with terrible humanitarian conditionshave led to a security vacuum within the camp, which has been filled by various armed Rohingya groups operating with different objectives and methods, but which have sparked a form of turf war involving the refugees living there.

Armed groups within the camps

From 11 known lively armed Rohingya groups – Some of them were already involved within the rebellion in Rakhine State against the central government of Myanmar before crossing the border – five of them are heavily involved within the violence within the camps.

The most famous of those is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation ArmyFounded in northern Rakhine State in 2016, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army rose to prominence after attacking Myanmar security forces in October 2016 and August 2017, sparking the federal government's crackdown on the Rohingya and their exodus.

Government troops killed an estimated 25,000 Rohingyas and compelled greater than 750,000 people out of the state in a campaign that prompted much of the international community to Call the violence genocide.

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s try and gain control of the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh has led to a backlash from other groups also fighting for influence, including the Rohingya Solidarity Organization – a protracted dormant group that resurfaced in Bangladesh in 2021 with Support from Bangladeshi security authorities.

Two other groups with links to drug trafficking and other illegal activities – the formerly Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army-affiliated Master Munna Group and the Nobi Hossain Group, nominally allied with the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, have further intensified internal power struggles. Islamic Mahaj Group is attempting to recruit members within the camp with its Islamist agenda.

Human trafficking and medicines

The displacement of a whole bunch of hundreds of Rohingya refugees has given criminal groups the chance to expand their activities. Since 2017 illegal trade across the border between Myanmar and Bangladesh is flourishing, as is the arms trade from Myanmar and India, the smuggling of Yaba pills – a style of methamphetamine – and other drugs, trafficking in women and kids, and the illegal sale of humanitarian aid.

Organisations corresponding to the Master Munna and Nobi Hossain groups are involved in organised crime, extortion and smuggling within the refugee camps and are in conflict with one another for control over territory.

During my fieldwork within the camps, I observed how the refugee population can panic, especially after high-profile killings. Residents fear retaliation and further clashes between armed groups. As a result, hundreds of Rohingya have often moved from one camp to a different in the hunt for safety.

Fighting advantages Myanmar's military

In addition to the victims of this violence, the inner power struggles and criminal activities of armed Rohingya groups also exact a political price for the refugees.

Myanmar is using the fighting as a pretext in charge Bangladesh for ongoing unrest and to defend its treatment of the Rohingya as a legitimate security justification. In September 2020, Myanmar representatives accused the Bangladesh government on the United Nations General Assembly of Hosting “terrorists”, a claim that Bangladeshi diplomats strongly denied.

The violence has also promoted hostility amongst Bangladeshis towards the refugees, who’re increasingly perceived as troublemakers and criminals.

At the identical time, non-governmental organizations and aid employees are hampered of their ability to supply assistance to refugees and civilians within the camps. And an already drained Donor community sees risks to increasing militancy and crime within the camps.

Old tensions tackle latest form

Tensions between different Rohingya refugee communities are nothing latest. Before 2017, there have been already Problems between the registered registered with the UN Refugee Agency in Bangladesh and living in official camps, and people who weren’t registered and living in makeshift camps.

Yet more recently, I actually have observed open hostilities between previous generations of Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh in 1978 and 1991-1992 and the brand new arrivals of the 2017 exodus. What is different now, and particularly worrying, is that after 2017, these tensions escalated into deadly violence.

The violence and killing within the camps include in my estimationabout 5,000 people. It represents a small a part of the A complete of 1.3 million Rohingya refugees – including those that fled each before and through the 2017 exodus. But the actions of this minority have caused incredible harm to the Rohingya and their future, jeopardising vital regional and global support and making eventual repatriation to Myanmar more uncertain.

The change of presidency in Bangladesh actually offers the Rohingya a possibility, especially if the brand new government keeps its guarantees, Strengthening the country’s judicial institutions And Protect minoritiesBut unrest within the camps will only exacerbate the brand new government's problems and will undermine support for an answer to the Rohingya crisis.

There are fears that this might lead to the Rohingya minority in Bangladesh having to live in unsafe and increasingly violent conditions for a lot of more years.

In 1902, ten-year-old Isidore Itzkowitz accepted a scholarship to an overnight camp in upstate New York. “Izzy,” an orphan raised by his grandmother within the dingy basement of a tenement constructing, fit the profile of kids who Education Alliancea settlement house, desired to help. invigorating idea from his camp was to take working-class Jewish boys out of the new and congested streets of the Lower East Side and expose them to “the great outdoors in a healthy and beautiful atmosphere away from home.”

The experience deeply affected Itzkowitz, who later became often called Eddie Cantor – probably the most popular entertainers of the mid-Twentieth century.

Now called Surprise Lake Camp features an outside pool and free WiFi throughout the property.it's still situated on the identical wooded property that Cantor knew in his youth, however the 1902 tents and farmhouse have been replaced with state-of-the-art facilities, including a zipper line, tennis and pickleball courts, and the Eddie Cantor Theater.

The clientele has also modified – and the aim. In Cantor's time, the camp was for boys only, and the leaders were excited by Americanization and social advancement. In 2024, Surprise Lake is co-gendered, and while scholarships are still available, it’s aimed toward middle- and upper-middle-class families. Most importantly, the camp draws rather more heavily on its Jewish identity and values. when it in its first many yearsincluding Jewish rituals and Hebrew Language infusion.

The change at Camp Surprise Lake is a logo of a more comprehensive development inside Jewish Summer Camps – one which I’m investigating as a scholar of Jewish educationThey have served different purposes over time and represent diverse views on every aspect of the Jewish faith and culture, including Israel.

This summer, the camps are navigating an uncertain landscape that has been transformed by Hamas October 7, 2023, attack and Israel's response: the choice whether and find out how to talk in regards to the war in Gaza, the fear of anti-Semitism within the US and political debates about Israel.

Jewish camps then and now

Already within the Nineteen Twenties and Nineteen Thirties there have been Jewish camps a wide range of flavorsIn addition to “fresh air” camps corresponding to Surprise Lake, there have been Jewish cultural camps dedicated Yiddish And Zionism – the movement to determine and consolidate a Jewish homeland and to revive Hebrew culture – in addition to more exclusive camps for youngsters of the rich.

In the Nineteen Forties and 50sthe industry grew and served a growing Jewish middle class. After the Holocaust, the decimated established Jewish communities in EuropeSome Jewish Americans viewed summer camps as Leadership training area for the subsequent generation. Jewish religious movements also viewed the camp as a way of revitalizing their denominations.

Over the years, Jewish camps have addressed various facets of Jewish-American identity, including social justice, environmentalism, art, and Jewish rituals. Since Israel's founding in 1948, many camps have also made it a degree to have fun its culture. Camps include Hebrew music and Israeli folk dance, instill Hebrew words corresponding to “boker tov” (good morning) and “ruach” (joy of life) have been incorporated into the camp vocabulary and serve Israeli dishes within the “Chadar Ochel” (dining room).

Sometimes the concentrate on Israel served as a way of cultivating Jewish pride in difficult times. The self-confidence of most Jewish Americans Acceptance in American society increased within the second half of the Twentieth century, when fears about anti-Semitism subsided. But that The sense of security is shaken persistently – including 2017 “Unite the rights” Rally in Charlottesville And the 2018 massacre At the tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh.

A difficult landscape

The Hamas attack, the relentless war in Gaza and the political debate in regards to the conflict are particularly destabilizingIn recent years, most concerns about anti-Semitism have focused on the acute rightBut the past 12 months has also exposed anti-Semitism in the acute left.

To make matters worse, support for Israel a bitter point of contention in Jewish-American communities, especially amongst younger people, more progressive Jews.

As with the rise of anti-Semitism, the fraying the Jewish-American consensus on Israel has been in productionThe change of heart can’t be separated from its broader political context – including an increasingly illiberal Israeli government.

While many younger Jews proceed to have an emotional connection to Israel, they’re Criticism is getting louder from his policy and skeptical that it is really excited by a just peace with the Palestinians. A major percentage of the protesters within the campus encampments last spring were Jewish students partly motivated by their commitment to Jewish values, even when many other Jewish students said they felt unsafe.

All this leaves Jewish camps with quite a few challenges. One part The magic of summer camps is a “bubble” from the “real world”: a closed, protective environment of controlled freedom and fun, away from family and faculty, that promotes children's growth through controlled risk-taking behavior. Serious discussions about current events, especially grim ones, can burst this bubble.

When colleagues and I Jewish summer camp visited in July 2014, while a seven-week war between Israel and HamasThe staff were understandably reluctant to debate the events with the youngsters. Nevertheless, the after-effects were clearly felt. The carers normally made sure to debate the most recent news out of earshot of their charges. But at times the stress was palpable.

Today’s dilemma

This summer, the emotional baggage of the last ten months accompanied the young people and the staff to camp just as safely as their suitcases and duffel bags.

Some, especially those that have felt isolated of their schools and neighborhoods, will want to process the events with friends and trusted elders. Jewish camps in parts of the South and lower Midwest often draw campers from small Jewish communities which have few or no other Jewish colleagues and should crave a possibility to share their feelings. Others will little question welcome the sanctuary that camp provides and depend on staff to take care of the bubble.

The decision to debate the conflict between Israel and Hamas and anti-Semitism also carries other risks. The importance of the advisors as role models is undisputed, but they should not trained teachers or therapists. In July 2014, we often encountered counselors who felt ill-prepared to have difficult conversations in regards to the conflict, and for good reason. They are often highschool and college students, only just a few years older than the youngsters of their care, and lots of are fighting their very own feelings in regards to the war – especially Israelis living in Jewish camps. set often to replenish their workforce.

As in the COVID-19 crisiscamps have largely improvised the challenges of this summer. But when the season is over, I feel camps might want to reflect and reevaluate their approaches.

You would do well to seek the advice of experts who’ve studied How Jewish children and young people understand Israel and the conflict. They must also reassess the long-term effectiveness of “feel-good” programs about Israel that obscure or simplify the conflict. But as Surprise Lake shows, the camps have shown a history of adaptability without abandoning their missions.

According to the Santa Clara County Health Department, an outbreak of the gastrointestinal disease Shigella has been detected in homeless camps in San Jose since June 3.

There are three confirmed cases of Shigella linked to the outbreak, 4 cases under investigation and at the very least 19 suspected cases, said Dr. Monika Roy, deputy health officer and infectious disease control officer for Santa Clara County. Two of the cases resulted in hospitalizations, which is how authorities learned of the outbreak, she added at a news conference on Tuesday.

Shigella is a gastrointestinal illness that causes nausea, vomiting, diarrhea and abdominal cramps, Roy said. It spreads primarily through contact with infected stool or by eating or drinking contaminated food, the county's Shigella fact sheet said. While most individuals clear the illness by itself, antibiotics are required in some cases, Roy added, and only in “rare cases” is it fatal.

Shigella is an “extremely contagious disease,” Roy said. It only takes a small amount of bacteria to cause the disease, and it spreads quickly in areas with limited access to sanitation and hygiene, making camps particularly vulnerable to spread.

“What's concerning about this outbreak is not the absolute number. We see Shigella cases on a regular basis,” Roy said. “What's more concerning is the number of cases that are linked to each other.”

The cases have primarily affected camps within the Columbus Park area, Roy said, but there have also been cases or suspected cases in other camps in San Jose.

“We are working hard to test all of these people and get the test kits back, but it is challenging,” Roy said. “It will be difficult to identify every single person who may be infected.”

The health department is specializing in two primary areas in tackling the outbreak, Roy said: identifying cases to offer testing and treatment, and stopping further spread of the disease. The department has sent field teams to the affected camps to offer hygiene and testing kits and later returned to gather the tests conducted. Epidemiologists, doctors and nurses have also been involved within the operation.

“The best way to control or contain this outbreak is to improve sanitation and hygiene and provide clean water to residents who may be sick or at risk,” Roy said.

This outbreak is especially difficult to manage since the county suspects more people have contracted the disease but should not sick enough to hunt treatment, Roy said. “That's why we have a large number of suspected cases,” she added.

The city has increased the variety of portable toilets and handwashing stations within the encampment areas and has begun providing drinking water and washing water, Harkness said. The city has also implemented regular cleansing and disinfection of those facilities.

“We will continue to follow all public health guidance and directives,” Harkness said, and can proceed to “provide the services and supports our homeless residents need to ensure their safety and the safety of the community.”

Local News

Pro-Palestinian students at several outstanding Boston-area schools spent Sunday night in tents after greater than 100 Columbia University students were arrested last week for participating in an analogous demonstration.

Since Monday evening, dozens of protesters at MIT, Tufts University and Emerson College have occupied outdoor areas on or near campuses to demand the colleges cut ties with Israeli corporations and the military and demand a ceasefire within the Israel-Hamas war to advertise.

More than 100 students were arrested at Columbia University on Thursday as administrators called New York police to clear about 50 tents that had been arrange earlier within the week. Hundreds of Columbia professors and college members left their positions Monday to protest against the arrestsand classes at the varsity moved to online classes as a result of rising tensions.

On Friday, students from Boston University, MIT and Harvard University participated Strikes and protests in support of the arrested Columbia students.

The demonstrations at Boston schools are a part of a nationwide wave of protests on college campuses sparked by the arrests. On Monday, about 50 students were arrested at Yale and police were called to the scene at a warehouse at New York University.

Students want MIT to withdraw from Israel

Dozens of MIT students went into tents Sunday evening to protest Israel's actions in Gaza and stand alongside Columbia students, organizers said. About a dozen tents and a big Palestinian flag were arrange on the lawn Monday evening for chants, speeches and prayers.

Hannah Didehbani, an organizer with the MIT Coalition for Palestine, said 30 to 40 people were sleeping on the university's Kresge Lawn near Massachusetts Avenue on Sunday evening. Members of the camp, which they call the “Scientists Against Genocide Camp,” plan to remain on the lawn “for a while.”

“By establishing this camp, we are following in Colombia’s footsteps,” said Didehbani. “We saw them face very harsh repression from both university leadership and the NYPD, which is crazy.”

The Anti-Genocide Scholars listed their demands on an indication on a tent and wrote: “We refuse to dedicate our workforce to genocide.” We refuse to present space to genocide on this campus. We remain in unwavering solidarity with Palestine. We is not going to rest until MIT breaks off relations with IOF (Israel).”

The camp at MIT is specifically protesting the $11 million in research funding the varsity receives from Israel that’s creating underwater surveillance and robotics technology, the group said.

“At MIT, we really focus on the direct research relationships we have with the Israeli Ministry of Defense,” Didehbani said. “Because MIT is a technology school, we are in a very unique position because there are projects that are directly harming families in Palestine in many ways.”

Didehbani said although police were stationed throughout the night, there have been no aggressive interactions between students and officers. On Monday night, at the least eight cops circled the lawn, which was partially surrounded by metal barricades.

In an announcement, the university said police would proceed to be present.

“MIT officials are aware of the tents and are determining next steps, with a focus on ensuring the campus is physically safe and fully operational,” a spokesperson said.

MIT Jews who’re campaigning for a ceasefire are represented within the tents, the group said on X. MIT The location of the Seder for MIT students celebrating Passover was reportedly moved from nearby Hillel to an unknown location, but Jews for Ceasefire is holding a seder on the camp.

Pesach sameach! If you might be a member of MIT, join us tomorrow, Tuesday, April 23, for the Passover Seder at Camp on Kresge Lawn at 5 p.m.! Dress warmly! pic.twitter.com/iwZk7PcIUF

— MIT Jews for Armistice (@mitj4c) April 22, 2024

Emerson students occupy the Boylston Place alley

Emerson students arrange tents within the Boylston Place alley on campus Sunday evening. On Monday afternoon, the alley was abuzz with activity as demonstrators chanted “Free Palestine” and held signs at the road entrance to protest against the war.

“We are here as concerned students who see what is happening — not just on our campus, but in schools across the country,” said Leila, a student protester who asked not to make use of her last name for fear of retaliation.

About 100 students gathered Sunday evening to open the camp and about 50 stayed overnight, said Ana Feder, a faculty worker who said she supported the demonstration.

Emerson said in a single opinion Sunday that the group organizing the encampment – Emerson Students for Justice in Palestine – is just not affiliated with the university and that the administration is working with Boston police to “monitor the situation.”

“Boylston Place Alley is not solely owned by Emerson College, it is subject to a public right-of-way for access to non-Emerson buildings, including the State Transportation Center, and is a fire alley under the jurisdiction of the Boston Police Department. said university President Jay Bernhardt in Sunday's message to the Emerson community.

Boston Police Department spokesman John Boyle said police were monitoring the protest and there had been no arrests as of Monday evening.

Leila said the Emerson protesters' demands are consistent with those of other pro-Palestinian student groups setting up camps, including demanding that Emerson cut off “all financial ties with Israel,” calling for an immediate ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war and disciplinary action recruits students against him.

Feder, director of film exhibitions and festival programs at Emerson and a member of the school's Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine group, said she joined the demonstration in the alley along with about a dozen other faculty and staff. Feder remained there Sunday night and plans to stay Monday night, when the risk of arrests is higher, she said.

“The message from the administration was loud and clear that it had stopped the police from arresting students [Sunday] night, but that they couldn’t do that indefinitely,” Feder said.

Last month, 13 Emerson College students were arrested while protesting the varsity's “silence” on the Israel-Hamas war before Bernhardt's inauguration. A student who took part within the demonstration last month and identified himself on the camp as Cole said the protests continued because the varsity “failed to meet the demands.”

Leila said she doesn't worry about the implications of the varsity or the police “as long as we have the power of the people.”

Bernhardt said that while the varsity encourages peaceful protests, it “does not tolerate actions that threaten safety, operations or access to education.”

According to the varsity, there are about half a dozen Tufts tents

Tufts students were also there Sunday evening, organising camp on the Academic Quad on the Green in Medford. According to a post on InstagramThe group is demanding that its university divest its financial interests from Israel and drop all charges against protesting students, in addition to a ceasefire in Gaza.

Patrick Collins, a spokesman for Tufts, said Monday evening that there have been about six tents and protesters and that the protest didn’t disrupt any classes. He said the varsity was continuing to watch the “low number of tents on a section of the school site”.

“While students are allowed to express their opinions, including demonstrations on campus, we will hold accountable any community members who engage in behavior that violates university policies,” Collins said. “As far as the scholars’ demands are concerned, our position has been clear and consistent for several years: We don’t support the BDS [Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions] Movement.”

Harvard is trying to stop camps before they arise

Although no student camps had been set up at Harvard as of Monday evening, the college has restricted access to Harvard Yard through Friday in anticipation of student protests reported. Over 200 demonstrators gathered in the yard on Friday in response to student arrests at Columbia.

Harvard too exposed The organization launched its Palestine Student Solidarity Committee on Monday and said members could face expulsion if events organized by the group were not canceled for the remainder of the semester, the report reported. The school cited the group's failure to officially register the demonstration on Friday as the reason for the suspension.

Harvard did not respond to a request for comment on student protests and the closure of Harvard Yard.

For the second straight day, Democrats voted against a bill Tuesday that aimed to ban homeless encampments near schools, bus stops and other areas across California.

Despite the undeniable fact that cities across the state are grappling with the proliferation of homeless encampments, lawmakers declined to punish squalid residents who sleep on public property.

“Just because unhoused people make people uncomfortable doesn’t mean it should be criminalized. And this bill does that,” said Senator. Aisha Wahab, a Democrat from Fremont and chairman of the Senate Public Safety Committee. “The penalties will only add to their already difficult situation paying for things.”

Senate Bill 1011 stumbled in its first committee hearing and failed within the Public Safety Committee by a 1-3 vote. The Senate GOP leader's measure Brian Jones and Democratic Senator. Catherine Blakespear, each from the San Diego area, would have made camping inside 500 feet of a faculty, open space or major public transit stop a misdemeanor or violation. It also would have banned camping on public sidewalks if beds were available at local homeless shelters.

“I am disappointed by the majority party members on the Senate Public Safety Committee's narrow-minded opposition to new approaches and their knee-jerk support for simply pouring more money into the problem without a real plan,” Jones said in a press release Tuesday. “Today’s continued rejection of real solutions during this health and safety crisis is immoral and irresponsible.”

After the defeat, Jones will proceed to talk with committee members to see if there may be a possibility to barter a path forward for his bill, spokeswoman Nina Krishel said in an email.

Sen. Nancy Skinnera Democrat from Oakland, said she appreciated that Californians don't wish to see encampments but couldn't support the bill.

“It's like trying to make a problem invisible instead of addressing the core of the problem,” said Skinner, who joined Wahab and Sen. Scott Wienera Democrat from San Francisco, voted no.

More than three dozen people voiced opposition to the bill at Tuesday's hearing, speaking on behalf of organizations including the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union California Action.

Supporters of the bill, of which there have been far fewer, included the mayor of Vista and a representative from the town of Carlsbad.

The only “yes” vote got here from the one Republican on the committee, the senator. Kelly Seyarto from Murrieta.

“A lot of people came forward and told us what not to do,” he said. “But what the hell are we supposed to do? Because at the moment we’re not doing anything.”

Sen. Steven Bradforda Democrat from Inglewood, abstained from voting.

Wahab granted reconsideration, meaning the committee could hear the bill again later this session. But last yr an almost an identical bill suffered the identical fate. SB 31, also introduced by Jones, failed within the Senate Public Safety Committee with one “yes” vote, one “no” vote and three abstentions. It was also re-examined but never revived.

Jones also leaned heavily on a brand new camping ban in San Diego, which he said he based his bill on. San Diego's ordinance, which went into effect at the top of July 2023, prohibits camps near schools, shelters and transportation hubs, in parks and, where shelter beds can be found, on public sidewalks. Jones called the ordinance a “success,” a sentiment shared by San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria.

But a CalMatters investigation paints a more complicated picture. While the variety of encampments has declined dramatically in some areas, reminiscent of downtown and near certain schools, they’re still just as prevalent — in some cases much more so — along the town's highways and along river banks. Opponents of the ordinance say it displaces people slightly than housing them.

And Jones' bill failed to duplicate a very important a part of San Diego's approach. When the town began enforcing its encampment ban, it also opened two massive “safe sleep sites” where about 500 people camp in city-purchased tents on vacant lots.

Jones' bill wouldn’t have forced cities to establish shelters for people displaced from the camps because, in his opinion, there is no such thing as a federal funding for that.